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How are musical hooks defined/studied in psychology?

How are musical hooks defined/studied in psychology?



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I know about the common concept of a 'musical hook': a "short riff, passage, or phrase, that is used in popular music to make a song appealing and to 'catch the ear of the listener'."

The Wikipedia article mentions how it is studied in marketing research, and provides two links to websites of organizations which study the 'hook' ('Hooked on music' and 'Hooked!'). However, I am not interested in marketing research and the two websites linked to as 'scientific research', at a glance, do not provide any insight into the research they are conducting.

Is this concept studied within the field of psychology or neuroscience? Is there any domain-specific terminology used to refer to what makes music appealing or 'catch the ear of the listener'? I would like to start reading into this literature but currently do not know what to search for.


Looking into the term earworms lead me to the following answer.

If you search earworms into Google Scholar, at the top of the list is 3 papers, after which the rest seem to be about corn earworms. The papers are Beaman & Williams (2010) followed by Halpern & Bartlett (2011) which is then followed by Williamson, et al. (2012).

It was the last paper which lead me to the term Involuntary Musical Imagery and the paper was in Psychology of Music which lead me to the field of Music Psychology

or the psychology of music, [which] may be regarded as a branch of both psychology and musicology. It aims to explain and understand musical behavior and experience, including the processes through which music is perceived, created, responded to, and incorporated into everyday life (Tan, et al.2010; Thompson, 2015).

Searching Google Scholar for Involuntary Musical Imagery leads you to much more.

References

Beaman, C. P., & Williams, T. I. (2010). Earworms (stuck song syndrome): Towards a natural history of intrusive thoughts. British Journal of Psychology, 101(4), 637-653. DOI: 10.1348/000712609X479636 PDF: http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/5755/1/earworms_write-upBJP.pdf

Halpern, A. R., & Bartlett, J. C. (2011). The persistence of musical memories: A descriptive study of earworms. Music Perception: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 28(4), 425-432. DOI: 10.1525/mp.2011.28.4.425 PDF: http://www.academia.edu/download/45162267/The_Persistence_of_Musical_Memories_A_De20160428-27955-1tiomp.pdf

Tan, S., Pfordresher, P., & Harré, R. (2010). Psychology of Music: From Sound to Significance. New York: Psychology Press.

Thompson, W. F. (2015) Music, Thought, and Feeling: Understanding the Psychology of Music, 2nd Edition. New York: Oxford University Press.

Williamson, V. J., Jilka, S. R., Fry, J., Finkel, S., Müllensiefen, D., & Stewart, L. (2012). How do “earworms” start? Classifying the everyday circumstances of Involuntary Musical Imagery. Psychology of Music, 40(3), 259-284. DOI: 10.1177/0305735611418553 PDF: http://www.doc.gold.ac.uk/~mas03dm/papers/Williamson_etal_Earworms_POM_2012.pdf


It seems that you are a perfect reader of this book:

On Repeat: How Music Plays the Mind

What is it about the music you love that makes you want to hear it again?

Why do we crave a "hook" that returns, again and again, within the same piece?

And how does a song end up getting stuck in your head?

On Repeat offers the first in-depth inquiry into music's repetitive nature, focusing not on a particular style, or body of work, but on repertoire from across time periods and cultures. Author Elizabeth Hellmuth Margulis draws on a diverse array of fields including music theory, psycholinguistics, neuroscience, and cognitive psychology, to look head-on at the underlying perceptual mechanisms associated with repetition. Her work sheds light on a range of issues from repetition's use as a compositional tool to its role in characterizing our behavior as listeners, and then moves beyond music to consider related implications for repetition in language, learning, and communication.


Psychology

The word psychology was formed by combining the Greek psychē (meaning “breath, principle of life, life, soul,”) with –logia (which comes from the Greek logos, meaning “speech, word, reason”). An early use appears in Nicholas Culpeper’s mid-17th century translation of Simeon Partliz’s A New Method of Physick, in which it is stated that “Psychologie is the knowledg of the Soul.” Today, psychology is concerned with the science or study of the mind and behavior. Many branches of psychology are differentiated by the specific field to which they belong, such as animal psychology, child psychology, and sports psychology.


Psychology Of Metal Musicians & Metal Fans Interacting

Metal musicians often make music with other musicians. This is a form of ‘coupling’ or synchronized behavior. Songs sound like songs because of this inherent quality of coupling. Random sounds do not sound like music because they lack coupling. In fact, this coupling is popularly understood as the chemistry between musicians. A study showed how the brains of guitarists who are playing together synchronize their brain waves before the music begins, thereby supporting the idea of this intuitive coupling. Read about it here.

When coupled, fans and musicians experience similar emotional states which foster bonding through dedicated systems. These dedicated systems are interesting meta-networks of neurons that fire in a way that mirrors (for lack of a better word) someone else’s behavioral, cognitive, and emotional state. They are associated with observation, mimicking, synchronizing, and understanding different perspectives. They also foster nurturing and companionship which is required for pair-bonding. This musical coupling is likely to make a person more sensitive and empathetic. I’m not talking about mirror neurons, I’m talking about a dozen other networks which explain similar functions in humans.

One research study suggests that the metal ‘gig’ ritual (headbanging included) allows musicians to go in a state of flow. The very act of playing along with a band on stage made a musician more likely to experience flow. Taking a step backward, flow is the mental state where one is completely absorbed in a task and feels one with it. Flow is a positive desirable state because it is connoted by task engagement, a deep connection with the task, intrinsic satisfaction, challenge, and joy.

The curiously interesting bit is that the musicians experience flow in spite of the deeply embedded negative emotional states like anger, frustration, and rebellion in metal music. You can read more about the flow state and how to achieve it here.

There certainly are pros and cons observed in heavy metal music-making and listening. And that’s hardly a problem – career difficulties, community building, in-group & out-group aggression, etc. are a part of many sects. You look at any sub-section of society – there will be extreme outliers, quirks, pros, and cons. That’s a discussion more suited to the human condition on the whole than on any form of music.

General life stories of heavy metal fans show:
1. Significant emotional depth is added to like-mindedness in music
2. There is a phase in their lives where metal music added meaning to their ‘not so pleasant lives.’
3. Metal becomes an integral part of their lives and the related attitudes and behavior are seen across many facets of their lives including relationships, school, parenthood, etc.

These are the reasons metalheads get obsessive about their music as well. Which, sometimes, is unhealthy as they could become dogmatic and disrespectful toward music which isn’t their own.

Although this isn’t a tested hypothesis, I would say that metal music makes people behave in a collective way largely because it is a minority. This is similar to a phenomenon in evolutionary biology called negative frequency-dependent selection. In simple terms, the value of heavy metal is high because of its relatively low frequency in the whole population. That is, heavy metal fans are a minority and heavy metal music is more valuable because it is rare as opposed to pop music – which is, by definition, popular and abundant.

People may slightly overestimate its effects and be biased due to the music being relatively rare. It’s like seeing a person you know in a foreign country, you end up evaluating that person in a more favorable way. Metal music itself is democratic within this minority, fans become musicians and vice-versa. They maintain the genre & subculture by assuming at least one of the two roles. That is why you can say that heavy metal is of the people, by the same people, and for the same people.

There is one last thing I’d like to introduce. When you look at a lot of sub-genres of music, the various emotions associated with each sub-genre, and the musical complexity, there is an overarching theme that emerges. This theme is about how metal music evolves alongside people, culture, science, art, technology, and the environment.

The theme has multiple feedback loops & transfer effects – thinking about science could be informed by musical complexity, socio-cultural nuances of metal could inform technological advancement, metal could foster newer public sentiments such as concern for climate change, etc. You can read this paper to know more about the holistic bird’s eye view of how metal music interacts with the human condition.

Hey! Thank you for reading hope you enjoyed the article. I run Cognition Today to paint a holistic picture of psychology. Each article is frequently updated with new research findings.

I’m an applied psychologist from Pune, India. Love sci-fi, horror media Love rock, metal, synthwave, and pop music can’t whistle can play the guitar.


A Dictionary of Psychology (3 ed.)

With over 9,300 authoritative and up-to-date entries, this best-selling dictionary covers all branches of psychology, including psychoanalysis, psychiatry, criminology, neuroscience, and statistics. It features comprehensive coverage of key areas, for example: cognition, sensation and perception, emotion and motivation, learning and skills, language, mental disorder, and research methods. Entries provide clear and concise definitions, word origins and derivations, and are extensively cross-referenced for ease of use. Over 80 illustrations complement the text.

A Dictionary of Psychology is an invaluable work of reference for students and teachers of psychology and related disciplines, professionals, and is ideally suited to anyone with an interest in the workings of the mind.

Bibliographic Information

Author

Andrew M. Colman is Professor of Psychology at the University of Leicester and a Fellow of the British Psychological Society. He has authored numerous journal journal articles and several books, including Facts, Fallacies and Frauds in Psychology (1987), Game Theory and its Applications in the Social and Biological Sciences (2nd edn, 1995), What is Psychology? (3rd edn, 1994), and A Crash Course in SPSS for Windows (4th edition, co-authored with Briony D. Pulford, 2008).


Consequences of Implicit Attitudes

An active area of research seeks to identify when implicit and explicit attitudes predict behavior. The existing evidence suggests that explicit attitudes tend to predict deliberate behaviors that are fairly easy to control. For example, one’s explicit attitude toward ice cream might predict whether one chooses ice cream when given as much time as necessary to make a choice among snacks. Implicit attitudes, on the other hand, tend to predict behaviors that are more spontaneous and difficult to control. So, implicit attitudes might predict the snack choice when a person is in a hurry and just grabs the first snack item that seems appealing.


1. What Is Music?

1.1 Beyond &ldquoPure&rdquo Music

For most of this entry, I focus on &ldquopure&rdquo or &ldquoabsolute&rdquo music&mdashinstrumental music that has no non-musical aspects, elements, or accompaniments. Most of the philosophers whose work is discussed below also put the focus here, for at least three reasons. The first is that pure music often presents the most difficult philosophical problems. It is less puzzling how a musical setting of a maudlin text could be expressive of sadness, for instance, than how a piece of music without even a programmatic text could be, since the emotional expression could somehow be transferred to the music from the text. The second reason is that, though the problems are more difficult, the solutions are likely to be more easily evaluated in the pure case. Just as apportioning blame is easier when one person is responsible for a crime than when the blame must be divided between a number of conspirators, the success of a solution to the problem of musical expressiveness may be clearer if it can explain the expressiveness of pure music. Thirdly, it is certain that the expressiveness of pure music will play a role in the expressiveness of &ldquoimpure&rdquo music. Though its text may contribute to the expressiveness of a song, for instance, the musical aspects of the song must play some role. A maudlin text set to a jauntily upbeat melody will clearly not have the same overall expressiveness as the same text set to a plodding dirge. Though I have used expressiveness as an example here, these same points will apply to discussions of musical understanding and value. There may also be interesting questions about the ontology of &ldquoimpure&rdquo music, but it is not clear they will be of the same kind as those about the expressiveness, understanding, and value of such music. (For a sustained critique of this general approach, see Ridley 2004.)

Given the global prevalence of rock music, broadly construed, it is plausible that song is the most common kind of music listened to in the contemporary world. Film and other motion pictures, such as television and video-games, are also ubiquitous. There has been some significant work done on the aesthetics of song (Levinson 1987 Gracyk 2001 Bicknell & Fisher 2013 Bicknell 2015), music drama (Kivy 1988b, 1994 Goehr 1998), and film music (Carroll 1988: 213&ndash225 Levinson 1996b Kivy 1997a Smith 1996). (See also the chapters in part V of Gracyk & Kania 2011 on hybrid art forms more generally, see Levinson 1984 and Ridley 2004.) However, it seems that there is plenty of room for further work on the aesthetics of impure music. &ldquoMuzak&rdquo is another musical phenomenon that is ubiquitous, yet has received little serious attention from aestheticians, being used primarily as an example to elicit disgust. Whether or not there is anything interesting to say about Muzak philosophically, as opposed to psychologically or sociologically, remains to be seen.

1.2 The Definition of &ldquoMusic&rdquo

Explications of the concept of music usually begin with the idea that music is organized sound. They go on to note that this characterization is too broad, since there are many examples of organized sound that are not music, such as human speech, and the sounds non-human animals and machines make. There are two further kinds of necessary conditions philosophers have added in attempts to fine tune the initial idea. One is an appeal to &ldquotonality&rdquo or essentially musical features such as pitch and rhythm (Scruton 1997: 1&ndash79 Hamilton 2007: 40&ndash65 Kania 2011a). Another is an appeal to aesthetic properties or experience (Levinson 1990a Scruton 1997: 1&ndash96 Hamilton 2007: 40&ndash65). As these references suggest, one can endorse either of these conditions in isolation, or both together. It should also be noted that only Jerrold Levinson and Andrew Kania attempt definitions in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions. Both Roger Scruton and Andy Hamilton reject the possibility of a definition in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions. Hamilton explicitly asserts that the conditions he defends are &ldquosalient features&rdquo of an unavoidably vague phenomenon.

The main problem with the first kind of condition is that every sound seems capable of being included in a musical performance, and thus characterizing the essentially musical features of sounds seems hopeless. (We need only consider the variety of &ldquountuned&rdquo percussion available to a conservative symphonist, though we could also consider examples of wind machines, typewriters, and toilets, in Ralph Vaughan Williams&rsquos Sinfonia Antartica, Leroy Anderson&rsquos The Typewriter, and Yoko Ono&rsquos &ldquoToilet Piece/Unknown&rdquo.) Defenders of such a condition have turned to sophisticated intentional or subjective theories of tonality in order to overcome this problem. If the essentially musical features of a sound are not intrinsic to it, but somehow related to how it is produced or received, we can classify just one of two &ldquoindiscernible&rdquo sounds as music. The details of one&rsquos theory of essentially musical features will determine how much avant-garde &ldquosound art&rdquo counts as music.

If one endorses only an aesthetic condition, and not a tonality condition, one still faces the problem of poetry&mdashnon-musical aesthetically organized sounds. Levinson, who takes this approach, excludes organized linguistic sounds explicitly (1990a). This raises the question of whether there are further distinctions to be made between arts of sound. Andy Hamilton defends a tripartite distinction, arguing that sound art, as opposed to both music and literature, was established as a significant art form in the twentieth century (2007: 40&ndash65). This is one reason that Hamilton endorses both tonal and aesthetic conditions on music without the former, Levinson is unable to make such a distinction. On the other hand, by endorsing an aesthetic condition, Hamilton is forced to exclude scales and Muzak, for instance, from the realm of music. Kania (2013a) suggests that it is a mistake to think that music is necessarily an art, any more than language. He argues that we should distinguish music simpliciter from its artistic uses, just as we do in the cases of language and literature, depiction and painting, and so on. By means of a disjunctive condition, Kania also adds a further distinction to Hamilton&rsquos set. Kania argues that music is

(1) any event intentionally produced or organized (2) to be heard, and (3) either (a) to have some basic musical feature, such as pitch or rhythm, or (b) to be listened to for such features. (2011a: 12)

The latter disjunct allows for two indiscernible works, neither of which strictly possesses basic musical features, yet one of which is music and the other sound art because of the complex way in which the former is intended to be approached. Kania&rsquos approach thus draws on some of the machinery of recent definitions of art in place of an appeal to an aesthetic condition. In doing so, however, it may be that Kania has slipped back into defining music as essentially artistic. For trenchant criticisms of the attempt to give necessary and sufficient conditions for music, see Kingsbury & McKeown-Green 2009 and McKeown-Green 2014. Stephen Davies (2012) suggests that an adequate definition would have to deflect the complex nature of music, appealing at least to its intentional, structural, historical, and cultural aspects.

Having discussed complications, it&rsquos worth returning to the basic idea of &ldquoorganized sound&rdquo. Most theorists note that music does not consist entirely of sounds. Most obviously, much music includes rests. You might think that silence can function only to organize the sounds of music. One counterargument is that an understanding listener listens to the rests, just as she listens to the sounds (Kania 2010). Another is to provide putative cases of music in which the silences are not structural in the way ordinary rests are. John Cage&rsquos 4&prime33&Prime is frequently discussed, though there is broad agreement that this piece is not silent&mdashits content is the ambient sounds that occur during its performance. Anyway, both Stephen Davies (1997a) and Andrew Kania (2010) argue that Cage&rsquos piece is not music&mdashDavies because those sounds fail to qualify as organized, Kania because they fail to meet a tonality condition. Kania considers several other contenders for the label of &ldquosilent music&rdquo, arguing that there are indeed extant examples, most notably Erwin Schulhoff&rsquos &ldquoIn Futurum&rdquo from his Fünf Pittoresken, which predates Cage&rsquos 4&prime33&Prime by some 33 years.


Welcome to ‘CE Corner'

"CE Corner" is a quarterly continuing education article offered by the APA Office of CE in Psychology. This feature will provide you with updates on critical developments in psychology, drawn from peer-reviewed literature and written by leading psychology experts. "CE Corner" appears in the February 2012, April, July/August and November issues of the Monitor.

To earn CE credit, after you read this article, purchase the online exam.

Upon successful completion of the test (a score of 75 percent or higher), you can print your CE certificate immediately. APA will immediately send you a "Documentation of CE" certificate. The test fee is $25 for members $35 for nonmembers. The APA Office of CE in Psychology retains responsibility for the program. For more information, call (800) 374-2721, ext. 5991.

Overview

CE credits: 1

Exam items: 10

Learning objectives:

  1. Describe the concept and context of contemporary sexual hook-up culture and behavior.
  2. Review the current research on psychological and health consequences of emerging adults' uncommitted sexual activity.
  3. Discuss the role of uncommitted sexual behavior, and larger social-sexual scripts, on the lives and experiences of emerging adult college students.

It is an unprecedented time in the history of human sexuality. In the United States, the age when people first marry and reproduce has been pushed back dramatically, while at the same time the age of puberty has dropped, resulting in an era in which young adults are physiologically able to reproduce but not psychologically or socially ready to "settle down" and begin a family (Bogle, 2007 Garcia & Reiber, 2008).

These developmental shifts, research suggests, are some of the factors driving the increase in sexual "hookups," or uncommitted sexual encounters, part of a popular cultural change that has infiltrated the lives of emerging adults throughout the Western world.

Hookups are becoming more engrained in popular culture, reflecting both evolved sexual predilections and changing social and sexual scripts. Hook-up activities may include a wide range of sexual behaviors, such as kissing, oral sex and penetrative intercourse. However, these encounters often transpire without any promise of — or desire for — a more traditional romantic relationship.

In this article, we review the literature on sexual hookups and consider the research on the psychological consequences of casual sex. This is a transdisciplinary literature review that draws on the evidence and theoretical tensions between evolutionary theoretical models and sociocultural theory. It suggests that these encounters are becoming increasingly normative among adolescents and young adults in North America and can best be understood from a biopsychosocial perspective.

Today's hook-up culture represents a marked shift in openness and acceptance of uncommitted sex.


Psychology

The word psychology was formed by combining the Greek psychē (meaning “breath, principle of life, life, soul,”) with –logia (which comes from the Greek logos, meaning “speech, word, reason”). An early use appears in Nicholas Culpeper’s mid-17th century translation of Simeon Partliz’s A New Method of Physick, in which it is stated that “Psychologie is the knowledg of the Soul.” Today, psychology is concerned with the science or study of the mind and behavior. Many branches of psychology are differentiated by the specific field to which they belong, such as animal psychology, child psychology, and sports psychology.


Psychology of Music

Broadly conceived, research in the Psychology of Music is concerned with understanding the psychological processes involved in listening to music, playing music, and composing and improvising music, using empirical, theoretical and computational methods. Psychologists, computer scientists and musicologists all make contributions to this highly interdisciplinary research domain, and their research encompasses experimental work on music perception and cognition, computer modelling of human musical capacities, the social psychology of music, emotion and meaning in music, psychological processes in music therapy, the developmental psychology of music, music and consciousness, music and embodiment, and the neuroscience of music.

The psychology of music has had a presence in the Music Faculty since 2002, and was firmly established in 2007 with the appointment of Eric Clarke as Heather Professor of Music. Eric Clarke has research interests in the psychology of performance, ecological approaches to music perception and musical meaning, the psychology of musical rhythm, music and consciousness, and music and embodiment. He is involved in collaborative research and publication with Nicola Dibben and Stephanie Pitts at the University of Sheffield, and with David Clarke at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne with members of AHRC Research Centre for the History and Analysis of Recorded Music (CHARM) and (from 2009) with colleagues in the AHRC Research Centre for Musical Performance as Creative Practice (CMPCP). Current and forthcoming research projects include a co-authored volume on Music and Mind in Everyday Life (OUP, 2009) an edited volume on Music and Consciousness (OUP, 2010) a project on Creative Practice in Contemporary Concert Music (funded by the AHRC as part of the Centre for Musical Performance as Creative Practice, 2009-2014) and a book on Musical Subjectivities arising out of his RHUL/BL Distinguished Lectures in Musicology.

The Faculty has excellent facilities for research in the psychology of music, including a very well equipped three-roomed electronic music studio, two Disklavier computer-monitored pianos for performance research, high quality portable digital audio and video equipment for fieldwork, outstanding library holdings, and collaborative links with colleagues in Psychology, Neuroscience, Anthropology, Archaeology and Fine Art. Former research students of Professor Clarke’s have completed doctorates on a wide range of topics including:


Psychology Of Metal Musicians & Metal Fans Interacting

Metal musicians often make music with other musicians. This is a form of ‘coupling’ or synchronized behavior. Songs sound like songs because of this inherent quality of coupling. Random sounds do not sound like music because they lack coupling. In fact, this coupling is popularly understood as the chemistry between musicians. A study showed how the brains of guitarists who are playing together synchronize their brain waves before the music begins, thereby supporting the idea of this intuitive coupling. Read about it here.

When coupled, fans and musicians experience similar emotional states which foster bonding through dedicated systems. These dedicated systems are interesting meta-networks of neurons that fire in a way that mirrors (for lack of a better word) someone else’s behavioral, cognitive, and emotional state. They are associated with observation, mimicking, synchronizing, and understanding different perspectives. They also foster nurturing and companionship which is required for pair-bonding. This musical coupling is likely to make a person more sensitive and empathetic. I’m not talking about mirror neurons, I’m talking about a dozen other networks which explain similar functions in humans.

One research study suggests that the metal ‘gig’ ritual (headbanging included) allows musicians to go in a state of flow. The very act of playing along with a band on stage made a musician more likely to experience flow. Taking a step backward, flow is the mental state where one is completely absorbed in a task and feels one with it. Flow is a positive desirable state because it is connoted by task engagement, a deep connection with the task, intrinsic satisfaction, challenge, and joy.

The curiously interesting bit is that the musicians experience flow in spite of the deeply embedded negative emotional states like anger, frustration, and rebellion in metal music. You can read more about the flow state and how to achieve it here.

There certainly are pros and cons observed in heavy metal music-making and listening. And that’s hardly a problem – career difficulties, community building, in-group & out-group aggression, etc. are a part of many sects. You look at any sub-section of society – there will be extreme outliers, quirks, pros, and cons. That’s a discussion more suited to the human condition on the whole than on any form of music.

General life stories of heavy metal fans show:
1. Significant emotional depth is added to like-mindedness in music
2. There is a phase in their lives where metal music added meaning to their ‘not so pleasant lives.’
3. Metal becomes an integral part of their lives and the related attitudes and behavior are seen across many facets of their lives including relationships, school, parenthood, etc.

These are the reasons metalheads get obsessive about their music as well. Which, sometimes, is unhealthy as they could become dogmatic and disrespectful toward music which isn’t their own.

Although this isn’t a tested hypothesis, I would say that metal music makes people behave in a collective way largely because it is a minority. This is similar to a phenomenon in evolutionary biology called negative frequency-dependent selection. In simple terms, the value of heavy metal is high because of its relatively low frequency in the whole population. That is, heavy metal fans are a minority and heavy metal music is more valuable because it is rare as opposed to pop music – which is, by definition, popular and abundant.

People may slightly overestimate its effects and be biased due to the music being relatively rare. It’s like seeing a person you know in a foreign country, you end up evaluating that person in a more favorable way. Metal music itself is democratic within this minority, fans become musicians and vice-versa. They maintain the genre & subculture by assuming at least one of the two roles. That is why you can say that heavy metal is of the people, by the same people, and for the same people.

There is one last thing I’d like to introduce. When you look at a lot of sub-genres of music, the various emotions associated with each sub-genre, and the musical complexity, there is an overarching theme that emerges. This theme is about how metal music evolves alongside people, culture, science, art, technology, and the environment.

The theme has multiple feedback loops & transfer effects – thinking about science could be informed by musical complexity, socio-cultural nuances of metal could inform technological advancement, metal could foster newer public sentiments such as concern for climate change, etc. You can read this paper to know more about the holistic bird’s eye view of how metal music interacts with the human condition.

Hey! Thank you for reading hope you enjoyed the article. I run Cognition Today to paint a holistic picture of psychology. Each article is frequently updated with new research findings.

I’m an applied psychologist from Pune, India. Love sci-fi, horror media Love rock, metal, synthwave, and pop music can’t whistle can play the guitar.


Comparative Music Cognition

Aniruddh D. Patel , Steven M. Demorest , in The Psychology of Music (Third Edition) , 2013

D Abilities That Are Uniquely Human

Components of music cognition that are uniquely human are among the most interesting from the standpoint of debates over the evolution of human music. Do they reflect the existence of brain networks that have been specialized over evolutionary time for musical processing? Or did these components arise in the context of other cognitive domains and then get “exapted” (or “culturally recycled”) by humans for musical ends ( Dehaene & Cohen, 2007 Gould & Vrba, 1982 Justus & Hutsler, 2005 Patel, 2010 )?

To take one example, humans show great facility at recognizing melodies that have been shifted up or down in frequency. For example, we can easily recognize the “Happy Birthday” tune whether played on a piccolo or a tuba. This is because humans rely heavily on relative pitch in tone sequence recognition ( Lee, Janata, Frost, Hanke, & Granger, 2011 ). A reliance on relative pitch is a basic component of music perception, and surprisingly, may be uniquely human ( McDermott & Oxenham, 2008 ). Extensive research with songbirds has shown that they have great difficulty recognizing tone sequences that have been shifted up or down in frequency, even with extensive training. It appears that unlike most humans, songbirds gravitate toward absolute pitch cues in recognizing tones or tone sequences, and make very limited use of relative pitch cues ( Page, Hulse, & Cynx, 1989 Weisman, Njegovan, Williams, Cohen, & Sturdy, 2004 ), a fact that surprised birdsong researchers ( Hulse & Page, 1988 ). One might suspect that the difficulty birds have recognizing transposed tone sequences reflects a general difficulty that animals have with recognizing sound sequences on the basis of relations between acoustic features ( McDermott, 2009 ). However, such a view is challenged by the recent finding that at least one species of songbird (the European starling, Sturnus vulgaris) can readily learn to recognize frequency-shifted versions of songs from other starlings ( Bregman, Patel, & Gentner, 2012 ). Such songs have complex patterns of timbre and rhythm, and the birds may recognize songs on the basis of timbral and rhythmic relations even when songs are shifted up or down in frequency. Yet when faced with isochronous tone sequences (which have no time-varying timbral or rhythmic patterns), the birds have great difficulty recognizing frequency-shifted versions. Hence they seem not to rely on relative pitch in tone sequence recognition, a striking difference from human auditory cognition.

Like birds, nonhuman mammals also do not seem to show a spontaneous reliance on relative pitch in tone sequence recognition. Some terrestrial mammals have been trained in the laboratory to recognize a single pitch interval (or even short melodies) shifted in absolute pitch ( Wright, Rivera, Hulse, Shyan, & Neiworth, 2000 Yin, Fritz, & Shamma, 2010 ), but what is striking in these studies is the amount of training required to get even modest generalization, whereas human infants do this sort of generalization effortlessly and spontaneously ( Plantinga & Trainor, 2005 ). Of course, many other species remain to be studied. Dolphins, for example, are excellent candidate for such studies, because they are highly intelligent social mammals that use learned tonal patterns in their vocalizations ( McCowan & Reiss, 1997 Sayigh, Esch, Wells, & Janik, 2007 Tyack, 2008 ), and also have excellent frequency discrimination abilities (e.g., Thompson & Herman, 1975 ). A study of relative pitch perception in one bottlenose dolphin (Tursiops truncatus) showed that the animal could learn to discriminate short ascending from descending tone sequences after a good deal of training ( Ralston & Herman, 1995 ). This work should be replicated and extended to see if there are other cetacean species (other dolphin species, or belugas, orcas, etc.) that resemble humans in showing a spontaneous reliance on relative pitch in auditory sequence recognition. Such tests should employ species-specific sounds, such as dolphin signature whistles ( Sayigh et al., 2007 ) as well as tone sequences (see Bregman et al., 2012 for this approach used with songbirds). If some cetaceans show a spontaneous reliance on relative pitch, and if nonhuman primates and birds don’t show this trait, then this ability would be classified as “restricted to humans and select other species,” and the finding would raise interesting questions related to convergent evolution (cf. the preceding section).

However, if this trait proves uniquely human, this would also raise interesting questions. Is the trait due to natural selection for musical behaviors in our species? Alternatively, might it be a consequence of the evolution of speech? In speech communication, different individuals can have very different average pitch ranges (e.g., men, women, and young children), and listeners must normalize across these differences in order to recognize similar intonation patterns spoken at different absolute pitch heights (such as a sentence-final rise, marking a question). Similarly, for speakers of tone languages to recognize the same lexical tones produced by men, women, and children, they must normalize across large differences in absolute pitch height to extract the common pitch contours and relations between pitches ( Ladd, 2008 though cf. Deutsch, Henthorn, & Dolson, 2004 for a different view). Hence it is plausible that our facility with relative pitch is due to changes in human auditory processing driven by the evolution of speech.

Alternatively, our facility with relative pitch may be a developmental specialization of our auditory system, based on the need to exchange linguistic messages with conspecifics with a wide variety of pitch ranges. Perhaps we (like other animals) are born with a predisposition toward pitch sequence recognition based on absolute pitch cues, but this predisposition is overridden by early experience with our native communication system, that is, spoken language ( Saffran, Reeck, Niebuhr, & Wilson, 2005 ). Were this the case, one might expect that all normal adult humans would retain some “residue” of absolute pitch ability, namely, an ability to recognize tone sequences on the basis of absolute pitch height. (Note that this type of absolute pitch is distinct from “musical absolute pitch,” the rare ability to label isolated pitches with musical note names). In fact, recent studies show that normal human adults without musical absolute pitch simultaneously integrate relative and absolute pitch cues in music recognition ( Creel & Tumlin, 2011 Schellenberg & Trehub, 2003 cf. Levitin, 1994 ). Interestingly, autistic individuals appear to give more weight to absolute pitch cues than normal individuals in both music and speech recognition, which may be one source of their communication problems in language ( Heaton, 2009 Heaton, Davis, & Happe, 2008 Järvinen-Pasley, Pasley, & Heaton, 2008 Järvinen-Pasley, Wallace, Ramus, Happe, & Heaton, 2008 ). This fascinating issue clearly calls for further research.

How can one test the “speech specialization” theory against the “developmental experience” theory for our facility with relative pitch? One approach would be to continue to test other animals in relative pitch tasks (e.g., dolphins, dogs). If our facility with relative pitch is due to the evolution of speech, then no other animal should show a spontaneous reliance on relative pitch in auditory sequence recognition, because speech is uniquely human. Another approach, however, is to attempt to provide other animals with early auditory experience that could bias them toward a reliance on relative pitch in recognizing sound patterns. For example, juvenile songbirds could be raised in an environment where pitch contour, as opposed to absolute pitch height, is behaviorally relevant (e.g., rising pitch contours indicate that a brief period of food access will be given soon, whereas falling contours indicate that no food is forthcoming, independent of the absolute pitch height of the contour). If this exposure is done early in the animal’s life, before the sensitive period for auditory learning ends, might the animal spontaneously develop a facility for tone sequence recognition based on relative pitch? The idea that juvenile animals can develop complex sequencing abilities with greater facility than adults is supported by recent work with chimpanzees on visuomotor sequence tasks ( Inoue & Matsuzawa, 2007 cf. Cook & Wilson, 2010 ). This idea leads to an important conceptual point for this section: before one can conclude that a component of music cognition is uniquely human, it is crucial to conduct developmental studies with other animals. Juvenile animals, who have heightened neural plasticity compared with adults, may be able to acquire abilities that their adult counterparts cannot. If an aspect of music cognition, such as a facility with relative pitch processing, cannot be acquired by juvenile animals, then this supports the idea that this aspect reflects evolutionary specializations of the human brain. Questions of domain-specificity then come to the fore, to determine whether the ability might have originated in another cognitive domain, such as language, or whether it may reflect an evolutionary specialization for music cognition.


Contents

The 19th century philosophical trends that led to the re-establishment of formal musicology education in German and Austrian universities had combined methods of systematization with evolution. These models were established not only in the field of physical anthropology, but also cultural anthropology. This was influenced by Hegel's ideas on ordering "phenomena" from the simple to complex as the stages of evolution are classified from primitive to developed, and stages of history from ancient to modern. Comparative methods became more widespread in diverse disciplines from anatomy to Indo-European linguistics, and beginning around 1880, also in comparative musicology. [4]

The parent disciplines of musicology include:

Musicology also has two central, practically oriented sub-disciplines with no parent discipline: performance practice and research (sometimes viewed as a form of artistic research), and the theory, analysis and composition of music. The disciplinary neighbours of musicology address other forms of art, performance, ritual and communication, including the history and theory of the visual and plastic arts and architecture linguistics, literature and theatre religion and theology and sport. Musical knowledge is applied in medicine, education and music therapy—which, effectively, are parent disciplines of applied musicology.

Historical musicology Edit

Music history or historical musicology is concerned with the composition, performance, reception and criticism of music over time. Historical studies of music are for example concerned with a composer's life and works, the developments of styles and genres, e.g., baroque concertos, the social function of music for a particular group of people, e.g., court music, or modes of performance at a particular place and time, e.g., Johann Sebastian Bach's choir in Leipzig. Like the comparable field of art history, different branches and schools of historical musicology emphasize different types of musical works and approaches to music. There are also national differences in various definitions of historical musicology. In theory, "music history" could refer to the study of the history of any type or genre of music, e.g., the history of Indian music or the history of rock. In practice, these research topics are more often considered within ethnomusicology (see below) and "historical musicology" is typically assumed to imply Western Art music of the European tradition.

The methods of historical musicology include source studies (especially manuscript studies), palaeography, philology (especially textual criticism), style criticism, historiography (the choice of historical method), musical analysis (analysis of music to find "inner coherence") [5] and iconography. The application of musical analysis to further these goals is often a part of music history, though pure analysis or the development of new tools of music analysis is more likely to be seen in the field of music theory. Music historians create a number of written products, ranging from journal articles describing their current research, new editions of musical works, biographies of composers and other musicians, book-length studies or university textbook chapters or entire textbooks. Music historians may examine issues in a close focus, as in the case of scholars who examine the relationship between words and music for a given composer's art songs. On the other hand, some scholars take a broader view and assess the place of a given type of music, such as the symphony in society using techniques drawn from other fields, such as economics, sociology or philosophy.

New musicology Edit

New musicology is a term applied since the late 1980s to a wide body of work emphasizing cultural study, analysis and criticism of music. Such work may be based on feminist, gender studies, queer theory or postcolonial theory, or the work of Theodor W. Adorno. Although New Musicology emerged from within historical musicology, the emphasis on cultural study within the Western art music tradition places New Musicology at the junction between historical, ethnological and sociological research in music.

New musicology was a reaction against traditional historical musicology, which according to Susan McClary, "fastidiously declares issues of musical signification off-limits to those engaged in legitimate scholarship." [6] Charles Rosen, however, retorts that McClary, "sets up, like so many of the 'new musicologists', a straw man to knock down, the dogma that music has no meaning, and no political or social significance." [7] Today, many musicologists no longer distinguish between musicology and new musicology since it has been recognized that many of the scholarly concerns once associated with new musicology already were mainstream in musicology, so that the term "new" no longer applies.

Ethnomusicology Edit

Ethnomusicology, formerly comparative musicology, is the study of music in its cultural context. It is often considered the anthropology or ethnography of music. Jeff Todd Titon has called it the study of "people making music". [8] Although it is most often concerned with the study of non-Western music, it also includes the study of Western music from an anthropological or sociological perspective, cultural studies and sociology as well as other disciplines in the social sciences and humanities. Some ethnomusicologists primarily conduct historical studies, [9] but the majority are involved in long-term participant observation or combine ethnographic, musicological, and historical approaches in their fieldwork. Therefore, ethnomusicological scholarship can be characterized as featuring a substantial, intensive fieldwork component, often involving long-term residence within the community studied. Closely related to ethnomusicology is the emerging branch of sociomusicology. For instance, Ko (2011) proposed the hypothesis of "Biliterate and Trimusical" in Hong Kong sociomusicology. [10]

Popular music studies Edit

Popular music studies, known, "misleadingly", [11] as popular musicology, emerged in the 1980s as an increasing number of musicologists, ethnomusicologists and other varieties of historians of American and European culture began to write about popular music past and present. The first journal focusing on popular music studies was Popular Music which began publication in 1981. [12] The same year an academic society solely devoted to the topic was formed, the International Association for the Study of Popular Music. The association's founding was partly motivated by the interdisciplinary agenda of popular musicology though the group has been characterized by a polarized 'musicological' and 'sociological' approach also typical of popular musicology. [13]

Music theory, analysis and composition Edit

Music theory is a field of study that describes the elements of music and includes the development and application of methods for composing and for analyzing music through both notation and, on occasion, musical sound itself. Broadly, theory may include any statement, belief or conception of or about music (Boretz, 1995) [ incomplete short citation ] . A person who studies or practices music theory is a music theorist.

Some music theorists attempt to explain the techniques composers use by establishing rules and patterns. Others model the experience of listening to or performing music. Though extremely diverse in their interests and commitments, many Western music theorists are united in their belief that the acts of composing, performing and listening to music may be explicated to a high degree of detail (this, as opposed to a conception of musical expression as fundamentally ineffable except in musical sounds). Generally, works of music theory are both descriptive and prescriptive, attempting both to define practice and to influence later practice.

Musicians study music theory to understand the structural relationships in the (nearly always notated) music. Composers study music theory to understand how to produce effects and structure their own works. Composers may study music theory to guide their precompositional and compositional decisions. Broadly speaking, music theory in the Western tradition focuses on harmony and counterpoint, and then uses these to explain large scale structure and the creation of melody.

Music psychology Edit

Music psychology applies the content and methods of all subdisciplines of psychology (perception, cognition, motivation, etc.) to understand how music is created, perceived, responded to, and incorporated into individuals' and societies' daily lives. [14] Its primary branches include cognitive musicology, which emphasizes the use of computational models for human musical abilities and cognition, and the cognitive neuroscience of music, which studies the way that music perception and production manifests in the brain using the methodologies of cognitive neuroscience. While aspects of the field can be highly theoretical, much of modern music psychology seeks to optimize the practices and professions of music performance, composition, education and therapy. [15]

Performance practice and research Edit

Performance practice draws on many of the tools of historical musicology to answer the specific question of how music was performed in various places at various times in the past. Although previously confined to early music, recent research in performance practice has embraced questions such as how the early history of recording affected the use of vibrato in classical music or instruments in Klezmer.

Within the rubric of musicology, performance practice tends to emphasize the collection and synthesis of evidence about how music should be performed. The important other side, learning how to sing authentically or perform a historical instrument is usually part of conservatory or other performance training. However, many top researchers in performance practice are also excellent musicians.

Music performance research (or music performance science) is strongly associated with music psychology. It aims to document and explain the psychological, physiological, sociological and cultural details of how music is actually performed (rather than how it should be performed). The approach to research tends to be systematic and empirical and to involve the collection and analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data. The findings of music performance research can often be applied in music education.

Musicologists in tenure track professor positions typically hold a PhD in musicology. In the 1960s and 1970s, some musicologists obtained professor positions with an MA as their highest degree, but in the 2010s, the PhD is the standard minimum credential for tenure track professor positions. As part of their initial training, musicologists typically complete a BMus or a BA in music (or a related field such as history) and in many cases an MA in musicology. Some individuals apply directly from a bachelor's degree to a PhD, and in these cases, they may not receive an MA In the 2010s, given the increasingly interdisciplinary nature of university graduate programs, some applicants for musicology PhD programs may have academic training both in music and outside of music (e.g., a student may apply with a BMus and an MA in psychology). In music education, individuals may hold an M.Ed and an Ed.D.

Most musicologists work as instructors, lecturers or professors in colleges, universities or conservatories. The job market for tenure track professor positions is very competitive. Entry-level applicants must hold a completed PhD or the equivalent degree and applicants to more senior professor positions must have a strong record of publishing in peer-reviewed journals. Some PhD-holding musicologists are only able to find insecure positions as sessional lecturers. The job tasks of a musicologist are the same as those of a professor in any other humanities discipline: teaching undergraduate and/or graduate classes in their area of specialization and, in many cases some general courses (such as Music Appreciation or Introduction to Music History) conducting research in their area of expertise, publishing articles about their research in peer-reviewed journals, authors book chapters, books or textbooks traveling to conferences to give talks on their research and learn about research in their field and, if their program includes a graduate school, supervising MA and PhD students, giving them guidance on the preparation of their theses and dissertations. Some musicology professors may take on senior administrative positions in their institution, such as Dean or Chair of the School of Music.

  • 19th-Century Music (1977–2004)
  • Acta Musicologica (1928–2014) (International Musicological Society)
  • Asian Music (1968–2002)
  • BACH: Journal of the Riemenschneider Bach Institute (1970–present)
  • Black Music Research Journal (1980–2004)
  • Early Music History (1981–2002)
  • Ethnomusicology (1953–2003) (Society for Ethnomusicology)
  • Journal of Music Theory (1957–2002)
  • The Journal of Musicology (1982–2004)
  • Journal of the American Musicological Society (1948–2004) (American Musicological Society)
  • Journal of the Society for American Music
  • Music Educators Journal (1934–2007)
  • Music Theory Spectrum (1979–2003) (Society for Music Theory)
  • The Musical Quarterly (1915–1999)
  • Perspectives of New Music (1962–2000)
  • Yearbook for Traditional Music (1981–2003)

The vast majority of major musicologists and music historians from past generations have been men, as in the 19th century and early 20th century women's involvement in teaching music was mainly in elementary and secondary music teaching. [17] Nevertheless, some women musicologists have reached the top ranks of the profession. Carolyn Abbate (born 1956) is an American musicologist who did her PhD at Princeton University. She has been described by the Harvard Gazette as "one of the world's most accomplished and admired music historians". [18]

Susan McClary (born 1946) is a musicologist associated with new musicology who incorporates feminist music criticism in her work. McClary holds a PhD from Harvard University. One of her best known works is Feminine Endings (1991), which covers musical constructions of gender and sexuality, gendered aspects of traditional music theory, gendered sexuality in musical narrative, music as a gendered discourse and issues affecting women musicians. [19]

Other notable women scholars include:

  1. ^ John Haines, Eight Centuries of Troubadours and Trouvères: The Changing Identity of Medieval Music (Cambridge, 2004) [irrelevant citation]
  2. ^ For broad treatments, see the entry on "musicology" in Grove's dictionary, the entry on "Musikwissenschaft" in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, and the classic approach of Adler (1885).
  3. ^Adler, Guido (1885). "Umfang, Methode und Ziel der Musikwissenschaft." Vierteljahresschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 1, 5–20.
  4. ^ Bader, Rolf (2018). Spring Handbook of Systematic Musicology. Springer. p. 40. ISBN978-3662550045 . Retrieved 5 August 2019 .
  5. ^
  6. Beard, David Gloag, Kenneth (2005). Musicology: The Key Concepts. Routledge. ISBN978-0-415-31692-7 .
  7. ^Susan McClary (1991), Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, and Sexuality. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, p. 4.
  8. ^
  9. Rosen, Charles (2001). "The New Musicology". Critical Entertainments: Music Old and New. Harvard University Press. p. 264. ISBN978-0-674-00684-3 . I doubt that anyone, except perhaps the nineteenth-century critic Hanslick, has ever really believed that, although some musicians have been goaded into proclaiming it by the sillier interpretations of music with which we are often assailed.
  10. ^
  11. Titon, Jeff Todd. "Ethnomusicology as the Study of People Making Music". Musicological Annual. 51 (2): 175. ISSN2350-4242.
  12. ^ McCollum, Jonathan and Hebert, David, Eds., (2014). Theory and Method in Historical Ethnomusicology Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield.
  13. ^ Ko, C. K. S. (2011). An Analysis of Sociomusicology, Its Issues and the Music and Society in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Ko Ka Shing. 978-9-881-58021-4. This book has been selected for inclusion in the Association for Chinese Music Research Bibliography in 2012.
  14. ^
  15. Moore, Allan, ed. (2003). Analyzing Popular Music. p. 2. ISBN978-0-521-77120-7 . p. 2n2: "'Popular musicology' should be read as the musicological investigation of popular music, rather than the accessible investigation of music!"
  16. ^Popular Music (journal), Cambridge University Press [failed verification]
  17. ^Moore 2003, p. 4.
  18. ^
  19. Tan, Siu-Lan Pfordresher, Peter Harré, Rom (2010). Psychology of Music: From Sound to Significance. New York: Psychology Press. p. 2. ISBN978-1-84169-868-7 .
  20. ^
  21. Ockelford, Adam (2009). "Beyond music psychology". In Hallam, Susan Cross, Ian Thaut, Michael (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Music Psychology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 539. ISBN978-0-19-929845-7 .
  22. ^ Martin, Douglas. "Rosetta Reitz, Champion of Jazz Women, Dies at 84", The New York Times, 14 November 2008. Accessed 19 November 2008.
  23. ^
  24. Wieland Howe, Sandra (2015). "Women Music Educators in the United States: A History". GEMS (Gender, Education, Music, and Society). 8 (4). [When looking beyond bandleaders and top leaders, women had many music education roles in the] home, community, churches, public schools, and teacher-training institutions [and] as writers, patrons, and through their volunteer work in organizations.
  25. ^"Abbate named University Professor", The Harvard Gazette, 20 November 2013. Accessed 10 December 2014
  26. ^
  27. "Susan McClary". MacArthur Foundation. July 1, 1995 . Retrieved 2021-01-18 .
  • Allen, Warren Dwight (1962). Philosophies of Music History: a Study of General Histories of Music, 1600–1960. New . ed. New York: Dover Publications. N.B.: First published in 1939 expanded and updated for republication in 1962.
  • Babich, Babette (2003) "Postmodern Musicology" in Victor E. Taylor and Charles Winquist, eds., Routledge Encyclopedia of Postmodernism, London: Routledge, 2003. pp. 153–159. 978-0-415-30886-1.
  • Brackett, David (1995). Interpreting Popular Music. 0-520-22541-4. , "What is Musicology?", BBC Music Magazine 7 (May, 1999), 31–33
  • Everett, Walter, ed. (2000). Expression in Pop-Rock Music. 0-8153-3160-6.
  • McCollum, Jonathan and David Hebert, eds. (2014). Theory and Method in Historical Ethnomusicology. Lanham, Maryland: Lexington. 978-0-7391-6826-4.
  • Honing, Henkjan (2006). "On the growing role of observation, formalization and experimental method in musicology. " Empirical Musicology Review. (1985). Musicology. London: Fontana. 0-00-197170-0. , and Robert Walser (1988). "Start Making Sense! Musicology Wrestles with Rock" in On Record ed. by Frith and Goodwin (1990), pp. 277–292. 0-394-56475-8.
  • McClary, Susan (2000). "Women and Music on the Verge of the New Millennium (Special Issue: Feminists at a Millennium)", Signs 25/4 (Summer): 1283–1286. (1990/2002). Studying Popular Music. Philadelphia: Open University Press. 0-335-15275-9.
  • Moore, A. F. (2001). Rock: The Primary Text, 2nd ed., 0-7546-0298-2. . (2007). "Systematic musicology and the history and future of Western musical scholarship", Journal of Interdisciplinary Music Studies, 1, 1–32.
  • Pruett, James W., and Thomas P. Slavens (1985). Research Guide to Musicology. Chicago: American Library Association. 0-8389-0331-2. , ed. (4th ed. 2003). Harvard Dictionary of Music, pp. 452–454. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. 0-674-01163-5.
  • Sorce Keller, Marcello. "The Emperor's New Clothes: Why Musicologies Do Not Always Wish to Know All They Could Know", in Victoria Lindsay Levine and Philip V. Bohlman. This Thing Called Music. Essays in Honor of Bruno Nettl. Lanham-Boulder-New York-London: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015, pp. 366–377.
  • Tagg, Philip (1979, ed. 2000). Kojak – 50 Seconds of Television Music: Toward the Analysis of Affect in Popular Music, pp. 38–45. The Mass Media Music Scholar's Press. 0-9701684-0-3.
  • Tagg, Philip (1982). "Analysing Popular Music: Theory, Method and Practice", Popular Music, vol. 2, Theory and Method, pp. 37–67. (1989). Origins of the Popular Style: The Antecedents of Twentieth Century Popular Music. 0-19-816305-3 (1992). (1978). "Toward a theory of pop harmony", In Theory Only, 4, pp. 3–26., cited in Moore 2003, p. 9.

On-line journals Edit

Many musicology journals are only available in print or through pay-for-access portals. This list, however, contains a sample of peer reviewed and open-access journals in various subfields as examples of musicological writings:

A list of open-access European journals in the domains of music theory and/or analysis is available on the website of the European Network for Theory & Analysis of Music. A more complete list of open-access journals in theory and analysis can be found on the website of the Société Belge d'Analyse Musicale (in French).


A Dictionary of Psychology (3 ed.)

With over 9,300 authoritative and up-to-date entries, this best-selling dictionary covers all branches of psychology, including psychoanalysis, psychiatry, criminology, neuroscience, and statistics. It features comprehensive coverage of key areas, for example: cognition, sensation and perception, emotion and motivation, learning and skills, language, mental disorder, and research methods. Entries provide clear and concise definitions, word origins and derivations, and are extensively cross-referenced for ease of use. Over 80 illustrations complement the text.

A Dictionary of Psychology is an invaluable work of reference for students and teachers of psychology and related disciplines, professionals, and is ideally suited to anyone with an interest in the workings of the mind.

Bibliographic Information

Author

Andrew M. Colman is Professor of Psychology at the University of Leicester and a Fellow of the British Psychological Society. He has authored numerous journal journal articles and several books, including Facts, Fallacies and Frauds in Psychology (1987), Game Theory and its Applications in the Social and Biological Sciences (2nd edn, 1995), What is Psychology? (3rd edn, 1994), and A Crash Course in SPSS for Windows (4th edition, co-authored with Briony D. Pulford, 2008).


Consequences of Implicit Attitudes

An active area of research seeks to identify when implicit and explicit attitudes predict behavior. The existing evidence suggests that explicit attitudes tend to predict deliberate behaviors that are fairly easy to control. For example, one’s explicit attitude toward ice cream might predict whether one chooses ice cream when given as much time as necessary to make a choice among snacks. Implicit attitudes, on the other hand, tend to predict behaviors that are more spontaneous and difficult to control. So, implicit attitudes might predict the snack choice when a person is in a hurry and just grabs the first snack item that seems appealing.


1. What Is Music?

1.1 Beyond &ldquoPure&rdquo Music

For most of this entry, I focus on &ldquopure&rdquo or &ldquoabsolute&rdquo music&mdashinstrumental music that has no non-musical aspects, elements, or accompaniments. Most of the philosophers whose work is discussed below also put the focus here, for at least three reasons. The first is that pure music often presents the most difficult philosophical problems. It is less puzzling how a musical setting of a maudlin text could be expressive of sadness, for instance, than how a piece of music without even a programmatic text could be, since the emotional expression could somehow be transferred to the music from the text. The second reason is that, though the problems are more difficult, the solutions are likely to be more easily evaluated in the pure case. Just as apportioning blame is easier when one person is responsible for a crime than when the blame must be divided between a number of conspirators, the success of a solution to the problem of musical expressiveness may be clearer if it can explain the expressiveness of pure music. Thirdly, it is certain that the expressiveness of pure music will play a role in the expressiveness of &ldquoimpure&rdquo music. Though its text may contribute to the expressiveness of a song, for instance, the musical aspects of the song must play some role. A maudlin text set to a jauntily upbeat melody will clearly not have the same overall expressiveness as the same text set to a plodding dirge. Though I have used expressiveness as an example here, these same points will apply to discussions of musical understanding and value. There may also be interesting questions about the ontology of &ldquoimpure&rdquo music, but it is not clear they will be of the same kind as those about the expressiveness, understanding, and value of such music. (For a sustained critique of this general approach, see Ridley 2004.)

Given the global prevalence of rock music, broadly construed, it is plausible that song is the most common kind of music listened to in the contemporary world. Film and other motion pictures, such as television and video-games, are also ubiquitous. There has been some significant work done on the aesthetics of song (Levinson 1987 Gracyk 2001 Bicknell & Fisher 2013 Bicknell 2015), music drama (Kivy 1988b, 1994 Goehr 1998), and film music (Carroll 1988: 213&ndash225 Levinson 1996b Kivy 1997a Smith 1996). (See also the chapters in part V of Gracyk & Kania 2011 on hybrid art forms more generally, see Levinson 1984 and Ridley 2004.) However, it seems that there is plenty of room for further work on the aesthetics of impure music. &ldquoMuzak&rdquo is another musical phenomenon that is ubiquitous, yet has received little serious attention from aestheticians, being used primarily as an example to elicit disgust. Whether or not there is anything interesting to say about Muzak philosophically, as opposed to psychologically or sociologically, remains to be seen.

1.2 The Definition of &ldquoMusic&rdquo

Explications of the concept of music usually begin with the idea that music is organized sound. They go on to note that this characterization is too broad, since there are many examples of organized sound that are not music, such as human speech, and the sounds non-human animals and machines make. There are two further kinds of necessary conditions philosophers have added in attempts to fine tune the initial idea. One is an appeal to &ldquotonality&rdquo or essentially musical features such as pitch and rhythm (Scruton 1997: 1&ndash79 Hamilton 2007: 40&ndash65 Kania 2011a). Another is an appeal to aesthetic properties or experience (Levinson 1990a Scruton 1997: 1&ndash96 Hamilton 2007: 40&ndash65). As these references suggest, one can endorse either of these conditions in isolation, or both together. It should also be noted that only Jerrold Levinson and Andrew Kania attempt definitions in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions. Both Roger Scruton and Andy Hamilton reject the possibility of a definition in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions. Hamilton explicitly asserts that the conditions he defends are &ldquosalient features&rdquo of an unavoidably vague phenomenon.

The main problem with the first kind of condition is that every sound seems capable of being included in a musical performance, and thus characterizing the essentially musical features of sounds seems hopeless. (We need only consider the variety of &ldquountuned&rdquo percussion available to a conservative symphonist, though we could also consider examples of wind machines, typewriters, and toilets, in Ralph Vaughan Williams&rsquos Sinfonia Antartica, Leroy Anderson&rsquos The Typewriter, and Yoko Ono&rsquos &ldquoToilet Piece/Unknown&rdquo.) Defenders of such a condition have turned to sophisticated intentional or subjective theories of tonality in order to overcome this problem. If the essentially musical features of a sound are not intrinsic to it, but somehow related to how it is produced or received, we can classify just one of two &ldquoindiscernible&rdquo sounds as music. The details of one&rsquos theory of essentially musical features will determine how much avant-garde &ldquosound art&rdquo counts as music.

If one endorses only an aesthetic condition, and not a tonality condition, one still faces the problem of poetry&mdashnon-musical aesthetically organized sounds. Levinson, who takes this approach, excludes organized linguistic sounds explicitly (1990a). This raises the question of whether there are further distinctions to be made between arts of sound. Andy Hamilton defends a tripartite distinction, arguing that sound art, as opposed to both music and literature, was established as a significant art form in the twentieth century (2007: 40&ndash65). This is one reason that Hamilton endorses both tonal and aesthetic conditions on music without the former, Levinson is unable to make such a distinction. On the other hand, by endorsing an aesthetic condition, Hamilton is forced to exclude scales and Muzak, for instance, from the realm of music. Kania (2013a) suggests that it is a mistake to think that music is necessarily an art, any more than language. He argues that we should distinguish music simpliciter from its artistic uses, just as we do in the cases of language and literature, depiction and painting, and so on. By means of a disjunctive condition, Kania also adds a further distinction to Hamilton&rsquos set. Kania argues that music is

(1) any event intentionally produced or organized (2) to be heard, and (3) either (a) to have some basic musical feature, such as pitch or rhythm, or (b) to be listened to for such features. (2011a: 12)

The latter disjunct allows for two indiscernible works, neither of which strictly possesses basic musical features, yet one of which is music and the other sound art because of the complex way in which the former is intended to be approached. Kania&rsquos approach thus draws on some of the machinery of recent definitions of art in place of an appeal to an aesthetic condition. In doing so, however, it may be that Kania has slipped back into defining music as essentially artistic. For trenchant criticisms of the attempt to give necessary and sufficient conditions for music, see Kingsbury & McKeown-Green 2009 and McKeown-Green 2014. Stephen Davies (2012) suggests that an adequate definition would have to deflect the complex nature of music, appealing at least to its intentional, structural, historical, and cultural aspects.

Having discussed complications, it&rsquos worth returning to the basic idea of &ldquoorganized sound&rdquo. Most theorists note that music does not consist entirely of sounds. Most obviously, much music includes rests. You might think that silence can function only to organize the sounds of music. One counterargument is that an understanding listener listens to the rests, just as she listens to the sounds (Kania 2010). Another is to provide putative cases of music in which the silences are not structural in the way ordinary rests are. John Cage&rsquos 4&prime33&Prime is frequently discussed, though there is broad agreement that this piece is not silent&mdashits content is the ambient sounds that occur during its performance. Anyway, both Stephen Davies (1997a) and Andrew Kania (2010) argue that Cage&rsquos piece is not music&mdashDavies because those sounds fail to qualify as organized, Kania because they fail to meet a tonality condition. Kania considers several other contenders for the label of &ldquosilent music&rdquo, arguing that there are indeed extant examples, most notably Erwin Schulhoff&rsquos &ldquoIn Futurum&rdquo from his Fünf Pittoresken, which predates Cage&rsquos 4&prime33&Prime by some 33 years.


Watch the video: The science of music: Why your brain gets hooked on hit songs. Derek Thompson. Big Think (August 2022).